Deputy Ambassador of Maldives to China, Mr. Sobah Rasheed. Photo: Twitter

By: Sobah Rasheed

It is my firm opinion that President Ibrahim Mohamed Solih’s re-election is of paramount national interest at this juncture. 

Over 70% of our GDP is from Tourism. We have a fragile economy. This has been witnessed during the pandemic more than ever. We all know Maldives graduated from a Leased Developed Country (LDC) to a Middle-income Country in 2011. But the 2020 pandemic turned our country into a No-income country just overnight. So, we must not forget that the country & our economy is grappling with the aftermath of the COVID-19 pandemic. To keep the economy and businesses afloat and sustain jobs president Solih’s government took difficult yet very bold decisions during the peak of the pandemic. Our country has got to deal with a large and growing fiscal deficit and debt which needs special attention. 

My decision to support President Ibrahim Mohamed Solih is about ensuring continuity of the post-COVID national  recovery project. It is about enabling president to complete the project through sound policies of his government that not only brought the light at the end of the tunnel but also achieved a great deal in a short span of time despite the odds. 

So I firmly believe that in the best interest of the nation we must put aside political and ideological differences at this critical juncture and rally behind the president to empower him to complete this national project to the best possible degree over the next 5 years. 

The country is in the right tract. Tourism is picking up.  The economy is taking shape. We have earned the respect and trust of our bileteral partners and  the international community. Foreign Investor confidence is all time high. So we must take this opportunity to get there!

I also believe re-election of president to a second term will turn a new page in our country’s democratic journey. It will be a major milestone in the consolidation of our democracy and our constitution. I optimistically believe that President’s re-election will also give an excellent opportunity for the opposition to become mature & credible, undertake their constitutional role and people’s democratic mandate providing oversight, checks & balance and accountability of the undertakings of the government. 

So, I stay firm in my commitment to do my best and work towards re-electing President Ibrahim Mohamed Solih in 2023. 

Disclaimer: Above is an exclusive opinion written to Adamington Online by Mr. Sobah Rasheed who is the Deputy Ambassador of Maldives to China. He is also known for launching the first Private Internet Service in Maldives under the brand name Raajje Online (ROL) offering unlimited Internet access at a fixed monthly fee breaking the monopoly held by State telecom company for ages. Views expressed by writers in this section are their own and do not reflect Adamington Online’s point-of-view.

 

H.E President Mr. Ibrahim Mohamed Solih. Photo: President's Office Website

The theme for last year’s International Anti-Corruption Day was ‘recovery with integrity’. This places importance on transparency and ethics in tackling the global COVID-19 pandemic. Indeed, its high time in Maldives for us to try to overcome this crisis by addressing the roots of corruption within the state.

People almost forgot about the incidents of corruption in other sectors after the irregularities and misappropriations in the health sector came to the limelight. The media was rife with ventilator case when the pandemic started. The anti-corruption commission announced in the beginning of the year that it would take stringent action against those, no matter how influential they are, who are involved in the ventilator theft case.

ACC then started investigating people engaged the ventilator theft. There were several State Ministers, leaders and one Minister on the list. But the controversial ventilator case came to a halt shortly after COVID-19 outbreak, and those against whom the ACC began investigating and was taking legal action for alleged involvement in these activities, went unnoticed. Their files remain closed and forgotten at the ACC office.

The irregularities in the health sector overshadowed the Ventilator case. Suddenly ACC shifted its focus to the health sector. This is how ACC hops from one issue to another and leaves its previous cases unfinished in the paradise nation. In the process some of the issues see better progress with wider PR stunts while others have less progress with dim light.

The question is, why does ACC keep an issue pending and jump into another sensational issue? Can ACC really perform its duty objectively, with its own free will? Or does it operate on the whims of the governments and respective ruling parties? Some accuse that the, ACC had drawn a line and it is unwilling, incapable or fearful of going beyond it due to political influences. It depends on the identity and status of the individual whether ACC will take any action or not against him.

Visibly ACC’s anti-corruption activities are selective. The organization will never be able to perform its duties properly and as per people’s expectations until it shrugs off such practice. How will ACC be able to move away from its selective stance and achieve the power to take action in all sectors freely and neutrally?

I would like to conclude with a reminder, we are talking about "allegations" of corruption, not "proof" of the said corruption. However, the allegations are serious and mostly based on documents. I strongly believe that these allegations deserve to be looked into, and it is only through a professional investigation by the ACC that the truth will come out and our claim that nobody is above the law will get some credible traction.

Surely the irregularities in our health sector were drastically revealed during this pandemic. The republic's eyes are solely on ACC now. Will ACC honour President Solih’s “Zero Tolerance to Corruption” policy or will the commission ignore the public voices for a “Corruption free State”?

 

Leaders of PPM giving a press conference. Photo by: One Online Website

In Maldives, the opposition always shouts out that the nation lacks democracy, transparency, accountability of state institutions, equal economic opportunities, equal share of country’s wealth, press freedom, freedom of assembly, human rights, and freedom of speech. But not even once they highlight on the importance of having a “responsible opposition” party alongside the government as part of the democracy. I think the main problem in Maldives is not the so-called lack of democracy, but the absence of a strong and responsible opposition party. Yes, Maldives lacks a strong opposition party that is inspired by a political ideology which practices democracy within its own institution.

With President Solih taking the oath of Office, the nation lacks an opposition party where its leaders are free from corruption and think only of the people’s welfare, not their own personal interests. Only and only such an opposition can encourage an elected government to be free from corruption, sustain democracy, and help the ruling party live within the boundaries of rule of law. The question may arise: What are the characteristics of a responsible opposition party? An easy answer is: A responsible opposition questions the elected government and hold them accountable to the public through the legal instruments provided by the constitution of the nation. But I cannot agree on the history and the unfolding activities of the current leaders of the opposition PPM are under the line drawn by our constitution.

A lavish life of its grassroot leaders and escaping punishment for acts of corruption during its reign might be the definition of politics for the opposition PPM. Nevertheless, giving party nominations in exchange for huge amounts of money before the elections and making offensive remarks on President Solih and cabinet Ministers by appearing in live media is not politics at all. Today, PPM has set a precedent as a new venture in politics -- to consider shouting and insulting against the administration as the new normal of local politics. Where the existence of the Opposition PPM is itself in danger, it is the duty of the general supporters of the party to lead their leaders out of this political threat.

Politics for PPM has now become a platform for exchanging unnecessary war of words with ruling MDP. Being an opposition party does not mean that the leaders of PPM get up in the morning and insult the leaders and MPs of ruling MDP and the figures of the coalition government. That is why people are no longer interested in dedicating their time to the unorganized rallies and the immature politics by PPM. At this time, to sustain democracy and make the government of Maldives accountable, a strong well focused constructive opposition is crucial. For the interest of the country and the sake of our democracy, a strong opposition responsible political party is needed in Maldives. Unlike PPM. this opposition must be a responsible political organization which can facilitate politics of values to the island nation.

 

 

The Justice Building of Maldives. Photo by: Independent News Website

The Covid-19 pandemic has proved that it is possible for the courts of the Maldives to use technology to ensure justice virtually. Indeed, the technological enhancements proved that IT is a weapon to carry out all types of legal proceedings. The pandemic further made the self-proclaimed busy judiciary of Maldives realize the very importance of digitally preserving of the legal documents and all its activities from the registration of a case to the announcement of its verdict by respective courtrooms.

Information technology is undoubtfully an integral part of the daily life in today’s world.  During the global Covid-19 pandemic, it has been possible for the Maldivian judiciary to use IT to ensure justice for the citizens of the island nation in a virtual way. It is utmost important for the judges, lawyers and all stakeholders of the judiciary to ensure the rule of law and justice by utilizing their respective experience and knowledge, being liable to country, people and the constitution. As a litigant has the right to get justice under the “Green Constitution” of Maldives, it is the prime responsibility of the judiciary to ensure the rights of the citizens no matter what. It is not the “kindness” of the courts but it’s mandated upon the state from the holy constitution.

During the Covid-19 lockdown period the courts of Maldives played a commendable role which is praise worthy in protecting the fundamental rights of the people, establishing the rule of law and ensuring justice for the litigants via “virtual justice”. Despite various barriers, courts have played a commendable role in consolidating the rule of law in the country at a difficult situation. Virtual justice protected the basic human rights as well as the constitution whenever it is needed during the curfew imposed in the nation amid a Public health Emergency.

One of the goals of sustainable development is to create opportunities for justice for all by establishing a peaceful and just society. The COVID-19 crisis has confirmed the need to invest and make use of digital tools in judicial proceedings. From the lessons that taught the nation from the pandemic, it’s time for the judiciary to go further than before in the practice of technology. The digitalization of the judiciary in its true sense is the only way that can ensure the litigants’ rights more effectively than now to seek justice.

 

President Solih with Speaker Nasheed. Photo by: Indian Express Website

It is undeniable that President Solih is the binding force of the ruling MDP led coalition government, but has somehow failed to establish his absolute control over MDP’s functioning as it’s “most senior leader”. On the other hand, Speaker Nasheed seems to have emerged as the only man when it comes to taking policy level decisions within the party, an area of Solih’s interests. It’s been days since anti-MDP opponents is debating whether Speaker Nasheed can be replaced by President Solih as the “real leader” of the ruling MDP. With equally interesting ease, the coalition allies, Jumhooree Party, MRM led by Former President Mr. Gayyoom and the religious Adhaalath Party too has endorsed President Solih’s leadership over Speaker Nasheed when it comes MDP’s stand in important matters within the coalition. However, till date President Solih refuses to be engaged in the controversial topic though the debate goes on.

Indeed, there are reasons why this debate is important. President Solih is extremely busy to meet the deadlines of his manifesto and should not be burdened with the extra pressure of running a large party like MDP. Even before President Solih took oath of office, his best friend Nasheed had lost the technique of keeping sustainable bonds with political allies and leading a coalition. Furthermore, Speaker Nasheed is no longer decisive as he was known to be. Therefore, MDP definitely needs a more dynamic leader than Nasheed to prove itself as a father for a coalition of different political ideologies to keep the Solih administration on its toes.

But can President Solih be a choice in this line of debate? Two reasons can be cited for those who believe that's possible. One, the esteemed leader has proved that he has the stature to lead a coalition government in Maldivian political history. Apart from Speaker Nasheed, he is among those few leaders within MDP who has vast political experience, having decades of parliamentary experience and seen enough politics to claim that space. If the MDP led coalition government is running smoothly today, credit should be given solely to Solih – as he was the engineer of the diverse coalition. Two, as a prominent politician, Solih has friends in every party. He is one of the few most wired politicians known in the island nation across party lines.  He can pick up the phone and talk to any leader in the country any time and is on first-name basis of MDP with all of them. This is a plus point for President Solih when it comes to the debate of replacing Nasheed’s influence within the party.

Today, the MDP with its super majority at parliament has unimaginable power in Maldivian politics to discredit opposition parties. Even the main opposition PPM is aware that it is impossible to match the MDP on this front, but to put up a good fight, one needs sizeable resources, which currently only President Solih can organize. But in a controversial topic like this, counter-arguments should also be poured into the glass. Equally strong reasons can be articulated for why President Solih is not the right person to lead the MDP. First, his credibility is unchallenged, but his eminence is suspected. Second, ideologically, he is not very solid compared to Speaker Nasheed. Solih, in true sense, believes in mutualism in politics. For the sake of unity, he is willing to make any compromise without checking or assessing the political waves he might face due to a certain stand. The biggest fact is seen during 2018, where he was seen more than happy to take the support of the Jumhooree Party to secure the seat of Presidency despite his party grassroot members applying serious allegations against tycoon Qasim for almost non-stop 7 years. Third, it is a fact that Solih is a big name within MDP but he has a limited appeal among the masses. He derives his power from being the longtime wise leader in Maldivian politics. He takes lot of pride in being called a leader of unity. Though, he managed to lure only a few leaders like Abdulla Shahid from MDP, he still lacks the support of the majority of the powerful grassroot leaders within the party machineries.

Naseed succeeded in 2008 because he was the only choice left in order to transform a change in the governance of the nation, but today he has failed to comprehend the new political realities and the totally new concept of mutual power sharing in local politics. Maldives has changed a lot since Nasheed was personally on the frontline of politics. It is true that Speaker Nasheed, with his unmatchable charisma, has turned MDP into a game changer in local politics. To challenge his leadership, the MDP needs a solid leader who is not new to Nasheed’s power politics. The leader who can challenge Nasheed requires a new sketch with a brand-new icon. Hence, it is evident that Speaker Nasheed’s supremacy in MDP can only be challenged by a wise opponent like President Solih who understands the Plan B of the “spiritual leader”. In an era when the political battle is more ideological than nearly ever before, the MDP needs a leader like Solih who has the courage of his political conviction.

 

 

 

Former President of National Integrity Commission (NIC), Mr. Yoosuf Maaniu Photo by: Maldives Independent Website

By: Yoosuf Maaniu

The Parliament’s draft of the new Police Service Bill grants substantive authority to its Standing Committee on National Security Services or 241 Committee. However, it must also be taken to account that the more authority politicians have over an independent institution the most likely that institution loses its independence.

The Majlis in the Presidential system has institutions watching over government or executive institutions. In fact, the constitution gives the President the executive power over all institutions which execute services directly to the public. As per the bill, the purpose of provisions granting increased powers to the 241 committee is to ensure that the committee can exercise its vested oversight authority over Maldives Police Service as stipulated in the Maldives constitution. When a committee of the Majlis acquires that power, they can influence the outcome of operations by Maldives Police Service by slowing down investigations. This will result in muddling up the already politicized institution by having the legislative powers of the nation having a direct say before or during investigation. Finally, rendering the President or the executive powers useless.

Article 14 of the bill sets out the scope and powers of the 241 Committee. Further, as per Article 73(c), decisions approved by the Committee are legally binding and mandatory for involved parties to comply with.  This contradicts the very foundations of the already existing bill of Maldives Police Service. It’s even against the principals of what a Parliament in a Presidential system should do. Surely it will undermine the independence of the institution.

According to the new bill, the Home Minister will not have the authority to give orders to individual police officers though the current Police Act grants the authority to the Home Minister as the Chief of Police. The bill states that the 241 Committee shall have the authority to instruct the Minister of Home Affairs and the Commissioner of Police on changes to be brought to procedures pertaining to individuals held under police custody, as well as privileges afforded to police personnel. The Home Minister not having the authority to give orders to individuals officers is understandable. This would help maintain the hierarchy and the code of conduct of the Maldives Police Service while reducing political influence. However, having the Majlis 241 committee dictate the policies and procedures of MPS violates the constitutional powers of the President and the Presidential system while turning it into a parliamentary system with powers superseding the executive. It’s a silent coup of the Presidential system without a public referendum.

The bill renders National Integrity Commission useless by stating that the 241 Committee shall have the authority to review complaints regarding the police force and to instruct the Home Minister and Police Commissioner on changes to be brought to police procedures if the committee finds fit. This allows the Parliament committee to do the work of National Integrity Commission. In the broader image the Police Service bill allows the entire takeover of the Ministry of Home Affairs and Maldives Police service by a committee of the Majlis. It’s not only absurd but dangerous while putting fuel to fire by breaking an already brittle public trust of the MPS by having people not elected by the people to run the executive but to make legislations trying to undermine the Presidential system.

Disclaimer: Above is an exclusive opinion written to Adamington Online by Mr. Yoosuf Maaniu who was the Former President of the National Integrity Commission (NIC), an independent institution which was the watchdog of all law enforcement agencies of the Maldives. He holds a Master of Business Administration from University of Ballarat, Australia & a Degree in Marketing from University of Northumbria at Newcastle, UK. He served as the President of Customs Integrity Commission (CIC) since 30th December 2013 and was the Former Director General – Corporate Department of the Auditor General’s Office (AGO) since July 2011. He was also in charge of Sifainge Co-operative (SIFCO) as it’s CEO, a corporation under Maldives National Defence Force (MNDF). After serving the public sector for around 18 years with a wide range of portfolios at various leadership capacities, he is currently working to establish a political party in the name of National Democratic Alliance (NDA). Views expressed by writers in this section are their own and do not reflect Adamington Online’s point-of-view.

 

Official logo of Public Service Media. Photo by: PSM Website

By: Badru Naseer

This country needs a Public Service Broadcaster which really serves the Public not as a propaganda machine for a certain political party. It has to be run by the funds provided by the state and should not be allowed to run by a Corporation in thirst for few bucks alone. There are lots of challenges to the Broadcasting Industry in the Maldives. I don’t think our country will ever have a Public Service Broadcaster. It is for Democratic countries.

There are mainly two obstacles which stops us from getting a unbiased and trustworthy Public Service Media. One: It’s the Sincerity of the respective Governments, Two: Lack of professionals in Broadcasting Industry. Often convergence provides an opportunity to create an open and inclusive Global Information Society and offers stakeholders an opportunity to seize the Public Service Media under influence. The geographical situation of Maldives and the size of our population also may be a fact too.

To reconnecting with young audiences: we need a new storytelling to transform the public service broadcasting as a trustable media for youth of our nation. Politicians with an agenda, politically unstable governments, managements on tight budgets and industry competitors are challenges which push us back from getting a reliable Public Service Media.

It has been argued that broadcasting media has been outdated and outflanked by the new digital media. Media always changes with the people's mind set. I believe a Public Service Broadcaster is and will always be the most trusted platform for a democratic nation. But it’s also time for Public Service Media to reallocate its resources for new platforms in order to stay relevant. In other words, it is essential to separate the content of the news from the means by which it is delivered and most of the news accessed using the new technology.

Obstacles are sure to be existed for PSM as its commercially-funded with public service obligations to broadcast in an unbiased manner. The evidence is clear that public service broadcasting, combined with high‐quality news‐papers, makes it easier for the politically involved and aware to accumulate knowledge and understanding, and thus to engage in their civic responsibilities. The core belief must be that it should be a service to the public as well as the respective governments too. 

The role of public service broadcasting in a digital age of new media is of utmost importance. A real Public Service Broadcaster is the ONLY way Public can get unbiased and reliable source of information. I don’t believe Public Service Media in Maldives is functioning as a Public Service Broadcaster. It is having an established culture of being more like a Propaganda Tool always for the ruling party. PSM is a company whose functions are generally making a profit. Maldives being so much political minded, even all the Broadcasters are also politicized now.

A Public Service Media must adapt to the changing consumer demand to serve diverse and fragmented audiences, particularly young people. PSM has been the major player in Maldives broadcasting sector and it must not potentially squeeze out other private broadcasters who want to develop new ways of managing and distributing content. So, PSM is just another station which is biting more than it can chew. PSM is trying to get everything under its wings. My Frank opinion is that if PSM tends to be a Public Service Broadcaster, it should concentrate on public service only.

Disclaimer: Above is an exclusive opinion written to Adamington Online by Mr. Badru Naseer who is one of the pioneers of the Maldivian Broadcasting Industry. He was the Former Director General of the State media Voice of Maldives (Dhivehi Raajjeyge Adu), the National radio station operated by the Government of Maldives. He was also the first President of the Maldives Broadcasting Commission. He resigned from his positions as the President and member of the commission on 29th July 2012. Views expressed by writers in this section are their own and do not reflect Adamington Online’s point-of-view.

 

Police Officers using excessive force against peaceful protesters in Male City . Photo by: Minivan News

By: Shahindha Ismail

The Transitional Justice Bill was proposed to the Parliament by the government of Maldives in October 2019. While the principle of transitional justice is necessary for the Maldives and must be encouraged, the bill as it currently fails to deliver justice in the most fundamental form. The bill risks causing more damage in the long run if passed as it is and the Parliament must consider amendments to ensure inclusive and long lasting justice and harmony.

The Maldives elected President Mohamed Ibrahim Solih in 2018 following years of struggle and political instability. The main pledge that won the people of the Maldives is the promise of justice. President Solih represents the Maldivian Democratic Party, MDP, a political party formed from a movement for human rights, mainly countering torture and corruption. The party promoted values of good governance, peoples’ participation and accountability following years of rule by sheer force and tyranny.

The Maldives ratified the first democratic Constitution in August 2008, followed by presidential elections that brought into power President Mohamed Nasheed who led a coalition government consisting of the Maldivian Democratic Party, the Jumhooree (Republic) Party and the Adhaalath Party. This change was brought after thirty years of autocratic rule by President Maumoon Abdul Gayyoom.

On the 7^th of February 2012 Nasheed was ousted from office in a violent coup d’état led by the police, the army, and the opposition including Maumoon Abdul Gayyoom, his half-brother Yameen Abdul Gayyoom, some members of the government coalition and Nasheed’s Vice President Mohamed Waheed Hassan Manik. A year of protests, arrests and torture failed to bring in early elections and Yameen Abdul Gayyoom was elected President in 2013. The elections were flawed to say the least – the first polling in which Nasheed won by a vast majority was annulled by the Supreme Court and polling repeated, let us say, until Yameen won, after six attempts that got disrupted by state interventions.

Fast forward to 2018 elections when the main message from Ibrahim Mohamed Solih was justice. The hope for closure, reconciliation, reparation and the truth reverberated with voters. Nasheed was left in the shackles of an unfair terrorism verdict that could only be reverted through changes in governance, and could not contest for election. A Member of the Parliament for over 20 years, Solih was never considered ‘presidential material’ with his almost silent past. Solih was, nevertheless the ‘only option left’ with the ruthless rule of Yameen and an almost incomprehensible mix of a coalition that was necessary. Ironically the current government coalition includes once again the Adhaalath Party and the Jumhooree Party, along with a newfound winner – the former President Maumoon Abdul Gayyoom.

Needless to say that the values of democracy and human rights presented by the current coalition government is different, if not distorted, from what the Maldivian Democratic Party stood for during its formative years.

We now stand before the Transitional Justice Bill – the answer to justice that thousands of Maldivians have waited for. Some of us have waited all of our lives and some, sadly did not make it to see this day. We must remember those who did not survive to speak out today, to ask our leaders to not make a mockery out of the sacrifices, the loss and the blood that was shed.

The biggest problem in the bill that has made me call it a mockery of justice is that it completely disregards anything that took place before the coup d’état of 2012. The jurisdiction of the law is currently set to address a period between the 1^st of January 2012 and the 17^th of November 2018.

Begging the question, How do we get justice for all that has happened before that – and after?

The Maldives has a history of violent crackdown on dissent. We hear about the resistance movement in the North, and the liberation movement in the South in the 1960s after which island communities were forcefully evacuated, homes and belongings torched, women and girls raped, men beaten and tortured to death, families dispersed from the north to the south and from the south to the north. The survivors from the horrors have lived with their scars, some of them knowing who harmed them and some questioning.

Then came Maumoon Abdul Gayyoom. Systematic torture, arbitrary detention, disappearances and death in custody was a norm during his rule from 1978 to 2008. Corruption and nepotism left the people at the whim of the dictatorship.

The risk of wiping all of these stories clean of history is too high. Maldivian history taught in schools does not address what happened and all we know is by word of mouth. Many of the emerging generations of human rights defenders have no understanding of the suffering of our people in the long journey for freedom.  Survivors and witnesses won’t live to tell their tales forever, and the least that the State can do for them in the name of justice is to address the truth and make it be known.

How can we even know what really happened? Is there more that we have not heard of?

The period that the bill has marked its jurisdiction is clear – it is the period from immediately before the 2012 coup until the end of President Yameen’s rule in 2018. Taking into account that this particular period in time of Maldivian history has in fact dismantled every aspect of democratic governance in the country and caused great harm to hundreds of families and must be held to account, it raises the question of persecutory measures when one single administration is singled out in the name of transitional justice.

It also shows clearly the place of the people in the matter concerning justice.

The bill disregards recommendations to include atrocities prior to 2012, made by the UN Human Rights Committee and the UN Committee Against Torture, both obligations under treaties that Maldives has signed on to. It has completely removed historical atrocities from its jurisdiction, and deserves some thought as to why.

The bill contradicts the very pillars that uphold the essence of transitional justice – the right to the truth, the right to justice, the right to reparations and the guarantee of non-recurrence because by eliminating a large portion of the most vulnerable people who have endured violence and duress at the hands of the state, it is impeding the entire process of justice.

Disclaimer: Above is an exclusive opinion written to Adamington Online by Shahindha Ismail who was the Former President of Police Integrity Commission from July 2009 to October 2012 during the reign of Former President Mohamed Nasheed. She was also the Founder of the dissolved Human Rights NGO, Maldivian Democracy Network (MDN). She holds a demonstrated history of experience in the civic & social organization industry, being extensively skilled in Non-profit Organizations, Policy Analysis, Customer Service, Strategic Planning and Volunteer Management. Views expressed by writers in this section are their own and do not reflect Adamington Online’s point-of-view

 

The day Ahmed Numan was appointed as the Commissioner General of Customs by President Solih. Photo by: President's Office

By: Ahmed Numan

When matters of controversies arises, it is not wise for us to make random opinions. When public tender is contested and the winning party make an international procurement, that process is neither part of customs’ scrutiny nor customs would not be furnished with that tender information. All what customs know is the nature of consignment. Perhaps customs would not be in the position to judge as to whether the nature of the consignment comply with tender contract as that is a different process altogether.

It is often a wide belief that corruption within customs institution manifests itself through various forms, including petty bribery, bureaucratic corruption, misappropriation, organized crime related corruption and political corruption. However, the level which it could take place is uncertain. Let’s take the MMPRC case as an example. It’s s scandal which took place through the established frameworks of our financial laws as per financial experts. But logically, how can a bank just clear hefty amounts of Cheques for a business entity in an unquestionable manner! Simply it does not make sense that the most inner circles within is not aware about this.

In my opinion, the MMPRC embezzlement is a classic example of an organized corruption that was carried out by deliberately compromising all internal controls of multiple agencies. It occurred outside the bounds of the system. MMPRC case proves that it was the state that was at the brink of collapse.

Governments comes and goes but the state institutions should be impartial and carry out their duties by all means necessary. This is what we at customs consider as a state institution, regardless of whichever government of the time. Yes, what I meant is that we cannot compromise our statutory duties. I would rather not give a fact sheet of Maldives customs service but I can make general opinions that as I understand would apply under circumstances.

Disclaimer: Above is an exclusive opinion written to Adamington Online on 16^th February 2020 by Late Ahmed Numan who was the first Commissioner General of Customs at President Mr. Ibrahim Mohamed Solih's administration. Mr. Numan was the Chairman of the Gender and Human Rights Committee of the Adhaalath Party, a member of its Advisory Committee and a member of the Islamic party’s General Discussions Committee. He was the first Chairman of utility company Fenaka Corporation which was established by Former Re-instated President Dr Mohamed Mohamed Waheed Hassan Manik on 18^th June 2012. He also worked in the Housing Ministry, Maldives National University (MNU) and the State Electric Company (STELCO) for a long duration. Mr. Ahmed Numan, who served as the Commissioner General of Maldives Customs Service from 11^th December 2018, passed away on 7^th April 2020 at the intensive care unit of a hospital in Bangalore, India while preparing for a kidney transplant operation. Views expressed by writers in this section are their own and do not reflect Adamington Online’s point-of-view.

President Solih inaugurating Mas dhoani account. Photo by: President's Office

By: Dr. Mohamed Shainee

Even though, President Mr. Ibrahim Mohamed Solih pledged to make the state fisheries company profitable in the next one-and-half years, I think he had earlier promised to make MIFCO profitable in 3 months. If he can make that happen, he will go into history as a very effective president for fishing industry. Previous governments also tried to make MIFCO profitable, but all sorts of negative influence and corruption didn’t allow it happening. As you know, as Fisheries Minister I was never given the chance to make changes to MIFCO. But through policies I did influence to make things right. For e.g. when I assumed office in 2013, the Felivaru canning capacity was only 3 tons. We increased to 5 right away and then increased to 15 tons and finally to 50 tons at the end. The idea is not to sell any fish to Bangkok and rather value adds in Maldives. I had a written policy and was famous in saying that I will stop exporting any frozen whole skip jack from Maldives by the end of 5 years. However, various influence and corruption issues stopped me reaching that far but the capacity was developed. I do wonder if President Mr. Solih can overcome these negative forces that will be so good for the industry.  May be worth mentioning that when I was the Managing director of MIFCO, I started making structural changes to the company but these same forces finally convinced then President Mr. Nasheed and him personal told me that he is getting too much pressure from MDP activists and therefore he has to remove me. Then, he took me as a technical advisor to Minister until I left for my PhD.

At the event of last year’s fishermen’s day held in Gemanafushi island, President Mr. Solih said that his government would work to bolster the fishing industry, and make the company profitable. Yes, but what are his plans and thinking. It is anyone’s objective to make any company successful. We haven’t seen or heard of his plan on how to achieve this. Further, the wider fisheries policies are conflicting with each other. For e.g. to make company profitable he needs to make sure of value addition but his policy to allow foreign vessels to buy fish directly is in conflict as these vessels will buy the raw materials while with no obligation to process in Maldives. So, our local companies, including MIFCO will be competing in same international market with more overheads.

In February 2019, President Mr. Solih inaugurated “Masdhoani Account” claiming that it was a pledge of the administration as a mean of including fishermen in the banking system. But let me tell you that this is a joke. There is no one who knows the strategies behind this Masdhoani account. It’s a wholesome strategic plan by me to address all issues in fisheries. During my tenure, in every fisherman’s day I invited fishermen all around the country and held fisheries forums and collected their feed backs. So, this Masdhoani account was designed to address all those concerns. Fortunately, or unfortunately I didn’t get time to ink all those strategy in a policy paper but just sent some bullet points to President’s office to be included in the Manifesto. If you see President Mr. Yameen’s manifesto for 2018, you will see these policies has been mentioned. The Masdhoni account was designed and already completed and to be launched in 2018 September but unfortunately BML had no plastic for making the cards and therefore was not launched. The current government took it and launched it not knowing the thinking and strategy behind it and fishermen has lost confidence in this Masdhoni account. Should have asked me and I would have happily helped.

Speaking in the Jazeera Holhuashi held in GDh. Thinadhoo, President Mr. Solih has said that he will provide legal and financial protection to local fishermen. He said that the main objective of the Holhuashi was to gather ideas and recommendations from fishermen for the laws that will be made to further the industry. But again, what does that mean if the President cannot elaborate what he says. Or else the Fisheries Minister Ms. Zaha needs to take that and elaborate on it. Though I know what he is thinking, I don’t want to make assumptions.

President Mr. Solih also reiterated at one of his speech that it is also one of the most important goals of this administration to ensure the fisheries industry reached future generations, with the adoption of modern technology, while reflecting the ever-changing world economy and the global environment. In the same breath let me remind the administration that in the past 5 years I have introduced bird radars, sonars and on-board cooling systems. These technologies have been proven to be very effective. I also introduced dynamically stable binoculars and handed over to every single fishing vessel that applied, for free without any discrimination. I have developed a totally new fisheries, the diamond back squid fishery. I had signed the largest grant by fisheries Ministry with World Bank. Designed and even tendered for a multi species hatchery for aquaculture in Gaafu Alifu. I had found a solution for observer system and again designed and tendered for such a system towards the end of my time. So, what is this government going to introduce. I often see this government claiming my work as their own. The on-board cooling system was designed, funding secured from Saudi fund before I left. So, we need to be clear what the plan is and what new technology is being looked at.

Ministry of Fisheries, Marine Resources and Agriculture is currently in the middle of research to find a way to run ice plants with the support of local councils. President Mr. Solih, said that the lack of true benefit from ice plants was one of the biggest complaints by the fishing community, therefore establishing ice plants in local islands was in his manifesto. Let me make this easy for the administration. Honestly, there is no need of new research. There is enough experience already in Ministry. I was a technical director and in-charge when Ministry first established new generation of ice-plants in populated islands. I have to agree, before me there was a project in Fares-Maathoda that had installed an ice-plant. We developed ice plants in Ihavandhoo (North) and Guraidhoo (South). The Guraidhoo ice plant was handed over to the council and proved to be a disaster. Initially, we asked MIFCO to look after both Guraidhoo and Ihavandhoo ice plants. But when the council in Guraidhoo saw the profitability, they wanted to run the ice plant, which government handed over. After few months, the ice-plant had stopped running because the council did not have the technical capacity to maintain and run an ice-plant. For a stand-alone system, it was too expensive to hire technical crew but MIFCO already having many ice plants on-shore and in vessels could easily manage with no addition to technical staff. Therefore, the experience is already there.

To increase the availability of ice, it was my policy to have at least one ice plant in every atoll, which I implemented before the end of my time in office. I had developed more than two or three in larger atolls like Gaafu Alif and Gaafu Dhaal. The next step was to introduce ice or cooling systems on-board the vessels to decrease the dependency on onshore ice plants. Also, this was a strategy for preparing fishermen for multi-day fishing and reduces fuel cost.

What you have to understand is with each project there must be a strategy behind it. That is the real thinking which goes into it. Without that kind of strategy and thinking, projects are useless, and it won’t be effective. President Mr. Solih should have an overarching objective and have policies and strategies set towards that overarching objective.

Disclaimer: Above is an exclusive opinion written to Adamington Online by Dr. Mohamed Shainee who was the Former Minister of Fisheries & Agriculture at President Mr. Abdulla Yameen Abdul Gayoom's administration. He holds a PhD in offshore fish cage designing from NTNU, Norway; holds a Masters in Marine Management from Dalhousie University, Canada; MSc. in Marine Technology from NTNU, Norway; and BEng. (Hons) degree in Marine Technology from University of Plymouth, UK.  Dr. Mohamed Shainee has over 10 years of experience in the technical, business and management aspects of fisheries and marine resources in the Maldives.  Views expressed by writers in this section are their own and do not reflect Adamington Online’s point-of-view